A strong earthquake took place off the northern coast of Japan Monday afternoon, prompting the Japan Meteorological Agency to put out a tsunami alert in the area.

The quake, registering a preliminary magnitude of 7.5, occurred off the coast of Sanriku in northern Japan at around 4:53 p.m. local time, at a depth of about 6 miles below the sea surface, the agency said.

NHK public television indicated that a tsunami of as high as 10 feet could impact the region soon.

This is a breaking news story and will be updated

The Associated Press contributed to this report

Two men recently attempted to carry out an alleged terrorist attack in New York City, an attack that, according to investigators, was intended to kill as many as 60 people. Details are still unfolding, but the intent appears unmistakable: mass casualties and maximum fear.

For many New Yorkers, the immediate question wasn’t just how the plot was stopped. It was how the city’s new leadership would respond — specifically, how Mayor Zohran Mamdani would react. The answer was not encouraging, and it’s not a reassuring sign for the next four years.

After the 9/11 attacks, the city faced profound uncertainty. I was here then, working as a cop in Manhattan. No one knew what would come next or whether the city could recover. We initially didn’t even know who had attacked us.

SUSPECT IN NYC TERROR PROBE PLANNED ATTACK ‘BIGGER THAN THE BOSTON MARATHON BOMBING,’ PROSECUTORS SAY

What steadied New York was leadership. Mayor Rudy Giuliani projected calm and resolve, offering reassurance when it was needed most. Just as critical was the role of the NYPD, which secured Lower Manhattan, restored order and helped normalize life. There was no prolonged military presence. The police handled it.

What followed was a remarkable recovery. Under Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly, crime fell to historic lows, tourism surged and neighborhoods flourished. It worked so well that, over the ensuing years, many came to believe terrorism was no longer an immediate threat. In the Intelligence Bureau, where I served, we had a saying: “The further we get from 9/11, the closer we get to 9/10.”

Now, as we approach the 25th anniversary of 9/11 and with global tensions rising — including conflict involving Iran — New York once again faces that reality. And once again, it has been the NYPD that stepped forward. When the two suspects allegedly attempted to deploy improvised explosive devices, it wasn’t rhetoric that stopped them. It was police work — officers pursuing and tackling a fleeing suspect in real time.

NEW YORK’S MAYOR MAMDANI PROMISED CHANGE — NOW HE’S GUTTING THE NYPD

The response from city hall, however, was less inspiring. Mamdani appeared to pivot quickly to a favored political narrative, initially focusing on “White supremacy” before grudgingly admitting the terrorist attack. It is telling that the mayor’s and other city leaders’ reflex was to immediately focus on the idiotic — but peaceful — demonstration the terrorists were targeting rather than two allegedly ISIS-inspired perpetrators.

Compounding that concern was a highly publicized Ramadan event at Gracie Mansion featuring Mahmoud Khalil, who was previously taken into federal custody following his involvement in disruptive protests at Columbia University. 

The optics were hard to miss, particularly coming on the heels of a near mass-casualty attack. Khalil, facing deportation for campus activism, is the hero. The police, who just days earlier apprehended two terrorists, are not. None of the cops involved got their Gracie Mansion moment.

DAVID MARCUS: THE MORE AMERICA GIVES MAMDANI, KHALIL AND THE MAD BOMBERS, THE MORE THEY HATE US

Mamdani represents a younger generation that did not experience 9/11 in the same formative way. For many New Yorkers, that day still defines how seriously threats are taken. Yet the mayor’s dogged ideological posture — particularly his embrace of “collectivist” themes — suggests a naive worldview that risks prioritizing theory over hard-earned lessons. In short, when it comes to public safety, he does not appear to be learning.

At a time when New York is still recovering from COVID-19, that carries real-world consequences. Financial warning signs are already visible, with three different rating agencies raising concerns about the city’s fiscal outlook by downgrading New York’s bond rating.

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New York’s history makes one point clear: Everything begins with public safety. Investment, tourism, the economy and quality of life, all depend on it — and on a supported NYPD. There was a time when Wall Street could be counted on to drag us out of the doldrums. But in a remote worker economy, that cushion is gone.

So, at the 100-day mark of Mamdani’s administration, residents here — and indeed, in many blue cities around the country — are forced to consider: do we have leadership that is up to handling crisis?

Based on what we’ve seen so far in New York, the answer is far from reassuring.

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The Iran conflict appears to be winding down. If the fragile ceasefire holds, President Donald Trump may stand before the American people in coming days and declare victory — shipping lanes reopened, deterrence restored, the ayatollahs humbled. On its face, that would be a genuine achievement.

The Iran campaign wasn’t wrong. Confronting a nuclear-threshold regime that funded terrorism across three continents and threatened international shipping lanes was a legitimate strategic necessity. Trump acted where others hesitated.

But every consequential action carries second- and third-order effects — and those now unfolding extend well beyond what any victory headline can contain.

While Washington has been grinding down Iran’s military infrastructure, something far more consequential has been hardening in the background: a China-Russia-Iran strategic alignment accelerating the fracture of the post-Cold War world order — and that fracture now runs directly through the transatlantic alliance itself.

AMB GORDON SONDLAND: NATO BLINKED ON IRAN, AND TRUMP HAS EVERY RIGHT TO BE FURIOUS

Xi’s signal cannot be dismissed

That is not diplomatic boilerplate. That is a geopolitical declaration.

OPERATION EPIC FURY SHATTERED IRAN’S POWER, BUT EXPOSED RISKS AMERICA CAN’T IGNORE

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov sharpened the message at that same Beijing meeting, declaring that Iran holds an “inalienable” right to enrich uranium — a direct, public rebuke of Trump’s core demand for zero enrichment, and proof that Moscow is not merely watching this conflict but actively shielding Tehran’s nuclear position.

Xi and Putin spent the Iran war watching from the sidelines — but not standing still. According to a Ukrainian intelligence assessment reviewed by Reuters, Russia provided Iran with satellite imagery and cyber support — unconfirmed, but consistent with Moscow’s pattern of proxy warfare.

Russia also publicly called on Washington to abandon “the language of ultimatums” on Tehran, proposed taking custody of Iran’s enriched uranium stockpile, and reaped a windfall as Brent crude surged toward $120 a barrel — a price surge that directly bankrolled Putin’s war of choice in Ukraine at the precise moment American forces were tied down in the Gulf.

REP RO KHANNA: TRUMP NEEDS TO STOP HURTING AMERICAN WORKERS AND STAND UP TO CHINA

China’s support stopped short of confirmed combat involvement, but its strategic weight was substantial. Beijing purchased over 80% of Iran’s exported oil at discounted prices, keeping Tehran financially viable through the bombardment. Chinese-linked tankers remained active in Iranian oil transit even amid blockade conditions.

Trump acknowledged the concern directly: he exchanged letters with Xi Jinping after hearing reports that Beijing was supplying shoulder-fired and anti-aircraft missiles to Tehran. Xi’s response, in Trump’s own words, said “essentially, he’s not doing that” — and Trump threatened a 50% additional tariff if proven otherwise.

In January 2026, Iran, China, and Russia formalized a comprehensive trilateral strategic pact — not a mutual defense treaty, but a framework for nuclear, economic and military alignment. The Center for Strategic and International Studies has tracked this emerging “CRINK” alignment — China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea — and the data shows it hardening, not softening, under American military pressure.

MORNING GLORY: THE US-IRAN NEGOTIATIONS IN ISLAMABAD BECAME REYKJAVÍK 2.0

This is the strategic trap Washington has walked into. Pressure on Iran did not isolate Tehran — it drove the axis tighter.

NATO is fracturing on Washington’s watch

The Iran war has done more damage to the Western alliance than any Russian influence operation in decades.

NO RETREAT AT HORMUZ — IRAN MUST NOT CONTROL THE WORLD’S ENERGY LIFELINE

Former NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg reminded the world from the official NATO lectern that NATO “is a defensive Alliance …  not threatening anyone” — an alliance built in 1949 to defend Western Europe against Soviet aggression, not to launch discretionary wars of choice in the Middle East.

When Trump demanded warships from NATO allies France, Germany, Italy, and Britain — and separately from non-NATO partners Australia and Japan — to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, France, Germany, Italy, Britain, Australia, and Japan all refused.

Trump called their refusal a stain on the alliance that will “never disappear” and announced he is strongly considering withdrawing the United States from NATO — calling it a “paper tiger.” The administration has since discussed pulling American troops from European soil.

STOP CALLING THIS BRINKMANSHIP. TRUMP’S HORMUZ MOVE IS THE REAL PRESSURE

Jim Townsend, former deputy assistant secretary of Defense for Europe and NATO, put it plainly: “We are closer to a break than we have ever been.” Seventy-seven years of collective deterrence — the architecture that kept Soviet tanks out of Western Europe — is teetering, not because Putin outmaneuvered us, but because we fractured it ourselves in the middle of a Middle Eastern war.

Both understand that a United States estranged from its democratic allies is a United States strategically weakened — regardless of how many Iranian bunkers lie in rubble.

The real battlefield is bigger than Iran

TRUMP PUSHED IRAN TO THE BRINK — BUT DID WE WIN ANYTHING THAT LASTS?

Across three books — “Alliance of Evil” (2018), “Preparing for World War III” (2024), and “The New AI Cold War” (2026) — I have tracked the civilizational contest now underway. The Iran war is a chapter in it.

China and Russia have used this conflict as a live training exercise — studying American carrier operations, missile intercept patterns and logistics flows in real time. Every signature revealed in the Gulf feeds directly into Beijing’s Taiwan invasion planning.

Meanwhile, the December 2025 U.S. National Security Strategy still treats China and Russia as separate problems — a strategic blind spot that would have alarmed President Richard Nixon and his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who spent careers preventing exactly that coalition.

Proverbs 11:14 states it plainly: “Where there is no guidance, a people falls, but in an abundance of counselors there is safety.” A strategy that isolates its allies and misreads its adversaries is not strength. It is the architecture of eventual defeat.

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The real question is not whether Trump can declare victory over Iran. He likely can. The question is what that victory costs: a NATO alliance pushed to its breaking point and a Sino-Russian partnership hardened by American overextension.

Great-power competition is decided in the accumulation of alignments, relationships and credibility built or squandered over years. Winning in Tehran while losing in Brussels and Beijing is not a net victory. It is a strategic setback dressed in tactical success.

President Trump has the instincts of a dealmaker. The moment to make the critical deals — with NATO, against the axis — is right now, before the victory speech becomes the last act rather than the opening of the next strategic chapter.

Because Xi Jinping is not congratulating us. He is calculating.

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