You’ve heard of cooking steaks sous vide, but one beloved chef says a similar method works for eggs — and tried it herself.

Ree Drummond, the Food Network host also known as the “Pioneer Woman,” recently cooked an omelet in a plastic bag placed in simmering water.

“I am really excited to try this,” Drummond said in a YouTube video posted March 18.

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The celebrity chef began by using a heat-safe plastic bag and preparing the ingredients.

“The good news is I’m not making a huge commitment by just making one omelet in a bag,” she said while chopping a tomato. “It’s nice to experiment with things like this before you really go whole hog.”

After cracking the eggs into a bag, Drummond began to whisk them together with a fork.

“I sure don’t want to pierce a hole in the bag,” she said in the video. “And then everything just goes in — the peppers, tomatoes, some grated cheese, some thin deli ham.”

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During the process, Drummond said, “I gotta tell you, I love it already.”

“I love the idea of making a bunch of these the night before,” she said. “It would make the cooking process go so much faster than tending to a skillet. All right, here goes nothing. Drop the bag right into simmering water.”

After removing the bag from the simmering water, the chef admired the omelet and said she was “so intrigued.”

She went on, “I’m gonna set it down and just let it cool off a little bit. It is mighty hot.”

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She continued, “My dream is that this thing falls right out of the bag. … Ah, it looks amazing,” Drummond added, impressed. “Wow, it’s just so moist and perfect. I think it could use just a little garnish.”

There were mixed reactions posted in the YouTube comments section. 

“Cooking in plastic bags … eish!” one person wrote.

“Looks super but are the eggs in the middle all the way done?” another questioned.

A third user wrote, “The traditional way is easier, faster and less mess.”

Others thought the trick seemed promising.

“My sons learned this in Boy Scouts. We have them pretty often. … They’re good and no mess, or dishes to wash,” one mother commented.

Another said, “Love these, been making them for years.”

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The egg-cooking method is convenient but imperfect, California food scientist Rachel Zemser said.

It would take a skilled chef or scientist to get the egg consistency “just right,” Zemser told Fox News Digital.

“If the temperature is too high, or if the egg is cooked too long, then the egg will become rubbery as the proteins will tighten up and squeeze out all the extra moisture,” she said.

The result, Zemser noted, would be a “rubbery egg in the bag.”

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“If the temperature is lowered, or cooking time adjusted, this can be perfected to create the ideal textured omelet,” she said.

For those who’d like to try it, Zemser suggested cooking the dish sous vide (French for “under vacuum”) at 167 degrees Fahrenheit for 15 minutes.

“That would prevent the proteins from binding up tightly, squeezing out the water and drying out the egg, making it rubbery,” she said.

“Adding ingredients like fat or cream can prevent the egg protein matrix from binding up so tight and keep the omelet softer and smoother during the cooking process.”

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The eggs wouldn’t brown or caramelize, but that might not make a difference depending on tastes, Zemser said.

“No caramelization could be a good or bad thing depending on the consumer,” she said. “Some people like some cooked brown notes on their eggs, others do not — so it’s a preference thing.”

Zemser also cautioned that, while not an expert on microplastics, cooking food in plastic bags may not be for everyone.

“I would imagine that some people may have concerns about microplastics leaching into food,” she said, noting that issues typically arise at higher temperatures, such as boiling.

Fox News Digital reached out to Drummond for comment.

If President Donald Trump oversees the toppling of the ruling regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran, his achievements will rank with the greatest of those of any post-World War II president. That’s just an objective fact. If you don’t understand that fact, you haven’t been paying attention for more than 40 years.

So much of the commentary on the battle between the U.S. and Israel against Iran and its proxy terrorist groups has been filtered and refiltered through deeply biased “news outlets” that the public could be excused for losing sight of the main plot line.

That is, simply put: Iran is as evil a regime as exists on the planet and, given that it is run by religious fanatics with a peculiar theology rooted in end-times eschatology and “resistance” up to and especially including martyrdom, it is a uniquely dangerous regime. It cannot be allowed to have weapons of mass destruction or an arsenal of conventional weapons sufficient to deter normal regimes from stopping it from obtaining WMD, especially nuclear weapons.

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Every president since George W. Bush has explicitly stated that Iran cannot have nuclear weapons for the reasons stated above. Whether all the presidents since W meant what they said, they all said it. President Trump said it, too, but he alone had the will to order the American military, in concert with our Israeli ally and now our Gulf allies, to demolish the Iranian nuclear weapons program as well as the forest of missiles built by the mullahs to protect that nuclear weapons program.

In the days since protests against the regime erupted in late December, the fanatics atop Iran have proven to anyone with even an elementary grasp of world affairs that it is a uniquely malevolent regime. Not only did it proceed to begin to rebuild its nuclear weapons program after “Operation Midnight Hammer,” it accelerated its production of the missile array intended to deter a second such mission.

Not only did Ayatollah Khamenei not get the message from last June’s destructive strikes, he did exactly what an unbalanced fanatic would do: Double down on getting the nukes while at the same time racing to build a missile arsenal to deter a second Midnight Hammer attack. The old and now dead tyrant did exactly the opposite of what a rational ruler atop a rational regime would do after last year’s blows, and he did so while also ordering the murder of tens of thousands of his own citizens in January.

The regime also bared its fangs when, after the U.S. and Israeli began the latest effort to tame the rabid beast of a regime, it responded by firing ballistic missiles wildly at everyone and everything it could reach. With a schoolyard bully’s emotional intelligence, first Ayatollah Khamenei and then his successors — whoever they might be — ordered up actions guaranteeing an all-out effort to destroy the regime’s ability to procure nukes or missiles. It’s so self-destructive a behavior as to qualify as regime suicide. The U.S., Israel and the Gulf Allies have thus set about “finishing the job,” which means, simply, permanently deterring the Iranian lust for nukes, missiles and terrorists.

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Iran has been pounded for a month now, and it may be another month or two before there is only rubble left to bounce there. Nevertheless, left-wing “journalists” especially insist on seeing this as just another opportunity to try and tear down Trump. The absurdist theater of another round of “No Kings” rallies this past weekend helped everyone watching delineate the world into two camps: the serious and informed versus the unserious, ill-informed or, to put it as simply as possible, dumb-as-dirt folks when it comes to rogue regimes which threaten the here and now, the near term and the long term future of the world.

Iran’s rulers proved themselves to be crazy and fixated on acquiring nuclear weapons. For the people who previously chose not to see the brutality of the regime, the regime helped all but the resolutely blinded to see how evil the regime is. The “Trump Derangement Syndrome”-afflicted people have seen their illness now manifest in the inability to distinguish between the purely evil and existential threat that Iran posed to the entire world from the actions of a popularly elected president who is as unlike an authoritarian as to surrender his favorite weapon for any regime not named Iran — tariffs — to the United Stated Supreme Court. “Kings” do not defer to the authority of an independent judiciary, but of course Trump has, again and again.

The result needed in the war is not yet been achieved. But if President Trump delivers it, only his critics incapable of basic objectivity will deny the significance of his order to take down the regime that has bedeviled the world for almost a half century.

Hugh Hewitt is a Fox News contributor and host of “The Hugh Hewitt Show” heard weekday afternoons from 3 PM to 6 PM ET on the Salem Radio Network, and simulcast on Salem News Channel. Hugh drives Americans home on the East Coast and to lunch on the West Coast on over 400 affiliates nationwide, and on all the streaming platforms where SNC can be seen. He is a frequent guest on the Fox News Channel’s news roundtable, hosted by Bret Baier weekdays at 6 p..m ET. A son of Ohio and a graduate of Harvard College and the University of Michigan Law School, Hewitt has been a Professor of Law at Chapman University’s Fowler School of Law since 1996, where he teaches Constitutional Law. Hewitt launched his eponymous radio show from Los Angeles in 1990. Hewitt has frequently appeared on every major national news television network, hosted television shows for PBS and MSNBC, written for every major American paper, has authored a dozen books and moderated a score of Republican candidate debates, most recently the November 2023 Republican presidential debate in Miami and four Republican presidential debates in the 2015-16 cycle. Hewitt focuses his radio show and his column on the Constitution, national security, American politics and the Cleveland Browns and Guardians. Hewitt has interviewed tens of thousands of guests from Democrats Hillary Clinton and John Kerry to Republican Presidents George W. Bush and Donald Trump over his 40 years in broadcasting. This column previews the lead story that will drive his radio/ TV show today.

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The U.S.-Iran war has been underway for a month now. It is increasingly difficult to distinguish real strategic and military expertise from politicized opinion, speculation and narrative. Too many people jump immediately from where we are today to a full-scale ground invasion. They assume the only option is for U.S. forces to seize Tehran, secure nuclear material by force, destroy a supposed million-man army, and then get pulled into another decades-long nation-building effort or fight a Maoist-style insurgency. That is not analysis. That is shallow thinking rooted in outdated and often biased mental models of war.

President Trump has signaled a 10-day pause on strikes against Iran’s energy infrastructure, now extended to April 6. We are days into that timeline. But the real question is not what has been done. The real question is what options remain.

It is a given that CENTCOM and Israel will continue systematic attacks on Iran’s military system. Iran entered this war with thousands of ballistic missiles, hundreds of launchers, a dispersed drone enterprise, a layered naval capability in the Gulf, remnants of a nuclear enrichment program, and a military industrial base built for redundancy and survivability. That system is being destroyed. But it is not yet eliminated.

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At the same time, Israel is targeting something far more important than just military capability. It is targeting the regime’s ability to rule once the bombs stop falling. That means hunting and eliminating political and military leadership. It means degrading the Basij, the regime’s internal enforcement arm. It means targeting checkpoints, intelligence nodes and internal security infrastructure.

This is not just tactical action. This is strategic pressure applied simultaneously against Iran’s means and its will. Its ability to fight and its ability to govern are being targeted at the same time. That is how you coerce behavior change without occupying a capital.

It is important to anchor any discussion in the stated strategic objectives. As articulated by senior U.S. leaders, the objectives of Operation Epic Fury are: destroy Iran’s missile arsenal and its ability to produce more, dismantle its navy and its ability to threaten global shipping in the Strait of Hormuz, and prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

While regime change has been mentioned and questions have been raised about whether it would be good or bad, it is not the declared U.S. objective. Behavior change is. The current regime has been given pathways, including diplomatic proposals, to alter its course. That matters because it shapes the options available. This is not about occupying Tehran. It is about paralyzing the regime, destroying its capabilities, and forcing it to accept new terms.

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If the regime collapses under the combined weight of military pressure and its own economic fragility, the United States can still achieve its objectives in a fundamentally different strategic environment. But regime collapse is not required to succeed.

From here, the range of options expands, not contracts.

One option is to strike the regime’s economic center of gravity. Kharg Island handles roughly 85 to 90 percent of Iran’s oil exports, often between 1.5 and 2 million barrels per day. That oil is the regime’s primary source of hard currency. Seize it, disable it, or destroy export capacity, and you do not just hurt the economy. You paralyze the regime’s ability to fund its military, sustain patronage networks, and maintain internal control.

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This matters because the regime has already shown signs of fragility under economic pressure. The January 2026 protests were driven by inflation, banking instability, and the inability to provide basic services, including severe water shortages affecting millions in Tehran. There were even discussions about relocating the capital due to an inability to provide potable water. The regime responded with mass violence, killing over 32,000 civilians in one of the most brutal crackdowns in its modern history. Therefore, economic pressure is not theoretical. It has already brought the regime close to the edge.

Another option is to target the national power grid. Iran’s electricity system is concentrated around major urban hubs. Precision strikes on key substations and transmission nodes can create cascading outages across entire regions. Tehran goes dark.

The regime would be in immediate trouble without power. Command and control, surveillance, communications, and internal security coordination all depend on it. Precision strikes on key substations and transmission nodes can create cascading outages without total destruction of infrastructure. The U.S. has demonstrated that capability in past conflicts.

Cyber operations expand this further. Iran has repeatedly shut down internet access to control its population. That capability can be reversed. Disrupt regime command networks while enabling connectivity for the population through external systems. Information becomes a weapon. Control of narrative, coordination, and awareness shifts away from the regime.

The Strait of Hormuz remains decisive terrain. Roughly 20 percent of global oil supply, about 20 million barrels per day, flows through it. Iran’s strategy has long been to threaten and manipulate that flow.

One option is to move from deterrence to control. Seize or neutralize key islands. Experts have long identified Abu Musa and the Greater and Lesser Tunb islands as critical terrain controlling access to the Strait. Qeshm Island, sitting along the northern edge, hosts IRGC naval facilities, missile systems, and surveillance infrastructure. These positions enable Iran’s anti-ship missile coverage, fast attack craft operations, and maritime coercion. Controlling or neutralizing these islands would fundamentally alter Iran’s ability to contest the Strait.

Iran has also built a “toll booth” system in the Strait. The IRGC has created a de facto system where ships must be approved, routed through Iranian-influenced lanes, and in some cases pay millions for safe passage. Reports indicate fees reaching up to $2 million per tanker, selective approval based on political alignment, and designated transit corridors near Larak Island under regime control.

The United States and Israel have the capability to systematically dismantle this system. Target the leadership directing it. Destroy the coastal radar, ISR nodes and command centers enabling it. Eliminate the fast attack craft, drones, and missile batteries enforcing it. Break the system, and you break Iran’s ability to turn a global chokepoint into a regime-controlled revenue and coercion mechanism.

A related option is to interdict Iranian oil exports at sea. Iran exports roughly 1.5 to 2 million barrels per day, much of it through sanctions evasion networks. Stop and divert tankers. Enforce inspections and seizures at scale. This is already happening at a limited level. Scaling it drives regime revenue toward zero. No revenue means no missiles, no proxies, no repression, no functioning state.

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Other options shift inward. Iran’s population is over 85 million, young, urban, and repeatedly discontent. Available polling, protest patterns, and observable unrest all suggest that well over 50 percent of the population opposes the regime, and possibly much higher. This is not a solid or stable base of power. The January 2026 protests are a clear signal of that underlying pressure.

Until now, civilians have largely been told to shelter. That could change. Messaging, corridors, and psychological operations could begin to separate the population from the regime’s control mechanisms.

That can be paired with support to internal resistance. Air resupply of weapons, communications, and intelligence directly to resistance groups that may or may not exist. Iran has multiple internal fault lines, ethnic, political, and regional, that have historically produced opposition and unrest. When external pressure aligns with internal resistance, regimes fracture faster, or at least the pressure on the regime increases significantly.

At the same time, strikes can continue expanding beyond traditional military targets. The regime’s control system is a network: leadership, IRGC headquarters, Basij units, police, intelligence services, and repression infrastructure. Target those nodes, and you accelerate the erosion of centralized authority.

History shows pressure creates fractures. Military leaders hedge. Intelligence services fracture. Political elites reposition. Defections occur. Working with defectors multiplies effects far beyond what strikes alone can achieve.

There is also much we do not know. We do not have full visibility into where the regime is strongest or weakest. But indicators matter. Reports of attempts to expand mobilization, including lowering recruitment thresholds to as young as twelve, suggest stress. That is not the behavior of a confident regime.

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None of these options exist in isolation. They can be combined.

Destroy Iran’s missile arsenal and production capacity. Dismantle its navy. Continue degrading its nuclear program. Deny its ability to project power beyond its borders. At the same time, paralyze decision-making by targeting leadership and command systems. Apply pressure across military, economic, informational, and political domains simultaneously.

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Attack the regime’s means and its will at the same time. Not sequentially. Simultaneously. The objective is to impose multiple dilemmas, more than the regime can handle. Force it into reactive survival. Stretch its decision cycles. Overwhelm its ability to coordinate and control.

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War is not a checklist. It is the alignment of ends, ways, and means under conditions of uncertainty. Options can be sequenced, layered, or applied simultaneously.

The United States has not run out of options. It has plenty it has not used, many that no one is talking about or that none of us can fully imagine without access to far more than what exists in the public domain, but could.

Lastly, be careful of analysts who speak in certainties or rely on surface analogies. Iran is not Vietnam, Afghanistan, or Iraq. It is not 1968, 2002, or 2003. The context of each is fundamentally different. The political objectives, from regime behavior change to regime survival, are different. Past wars involved nation building, attempts to create democracy, prolonged fights against insurgencies, and enemies who enjoyed sanctuary outside the operating environment. Those are not the same conditions or objectives at play here. The geography, technology, intelligence and regional dynamics are different. The options available today are far broader and more precise against the objectives.

We know a lot about what has been struck. We do not fully know what remains. More importantly, we do not know what decisions will be made next by either side. That uncertainty is not a flaw in analysis. It is the nature of war.