Here’s the usual media narrative: Donald Trump did something awful (or outrageous, or borderline crazy), and the Republicans in Congress are wimps who won’t stand up to him. 

Rinse, dry, repeat. 

But that changed dramatically in the last few days. 

The new story line:

Donald Trump did something beyond the pale and the brave Republicans are standing up to him. 

They’re mad as hell, and they’re not going to take it anymore. 

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If you don’t recall this happening before in Trump’s second term, that’s because it hasn’t.

So now you have the press and much of the GOP marching in lockstep. 

It’s a revolt. Practically a revolution. And while most journalists love intra-party strife on both sides (such as the Dems’ dumb 2024 autopsy), they particularly relish a development that seems to be breaking, or at least loosening, Trump’s iron grip on power. 

There was something about Trump’s decision to use $1.8 billion largely for those convicted of crimes on Jan. 6 that was a bridge too far. Some of these people had attacked and injured police officers, seized members’ offices and chanted for Mike Pence’s hanging.

The money came from the settlement of Trump’s suit against the IRS. He had legitimately been wronged by the leaking of his tax returns to the New York Times — showing he had (legally) paid no income tax in 10 out of 15 years, and just $750 in two other years. 

But it was awkward because the head of the government was suing one of its agencies. The leaker, a former IRS contractor, was sentenced to five years in prison. 

This is the culmination of a five-year effort by the president to recast the protestors, who he had summoned to Washington and directed to march to the Capitol, as patriots, not lawbreakers. That is inconveniently contradicted by the relentless violence we all saw on our television screens as the riot unfolded. It was one of the darkest days in American history, aimed at stopping Congress from certifying Joe Biden’s 2020 victory.

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The coverage has been exploding as even many Republicans on the Hill have vehemently objected to what critics call a “slush fund.”

When Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche, a former defense lawyer for Trump, met with Senate Republicans, things exploded.

“My guess is there’re probably 45 senators in the room, at least half of them were blasting the attorney general. … They were screaming at the acting attorney general,” said Sen. Ted Cruz., who called it a “full-on revolt.”

Mitch McConnell, no fan of the president, put it this way: 

“So the nation’s top law enforcement official is asking for a slush fund to pay people who assault cops? Utterly stupid, morally wrong – Take your pick.”

Republican Sen. Bill Cassidy, who just lost his primary thanks to Trump, said on X:

“People are concerned about paying their mortgage or rent, affording groceries and paying for gas, not about putting together a $1.8 billion fund for the President and his allies to pay whomever they wish with no legal precedent or accountability.”

Republican Sen. Ron Johnson, on CNN, described the entire effort as a “galactic blunder.”

One senator, Tommy Tuberville, defended Trump’s plan as aimed at “hundreds of innocent patriots.”

After the fiery session on the so-called “anti-weaponization” fund, GOP leaders — concerned about having to vote on the fund — killed a scheduled vote on a $72-billion measure to crack down on illegal immigration. 

They also refused to approve the $1 billion for the White House ballroom that the president is obsessed with building.

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The media are suddenly full of praise for these rebelling Republicans, who, with a few exceptions, are not generally viewed as allies.

The most likely outcome, in my view, is a mushy compromise that includes some modifications on how the awards are made. That’s usually how the Hill deals with tough questions. 

But ultimately, as on most issues, Donald Trump will probably get his way, the culmination of his dogged campaign to whitewash the unsavory image of the Jan. 6 lawbreakers. 

Footnote: The timing can’t be coincidental. Many Republicans–along with Democrats and the likes of the Wall Street Journal editorial page–are openly criticizing the outlines of a Trump agreement with Iran.

“Doesn’t make too much sense to me,” said Sen. Thom Tillis.

A “60-day ceasefire — with the belief that Iran will ever engage in good faith — would be a disaster,” said Sen. Roger Wicker.

While the details are still being negotiated, the main objection is the U.S. bowing to Iran’s demand to deal with nuclear issues later on — with no time limit–once the Strait of Hormuz and other questions are resolved.

Lindsey Graham, a war hawk and pal of the president, says the vaguely defined delay on nuclear weaponry “makes one wonder why the war started to begin with.”

Maybe the previously unthinkable idea of Republicans openly challenging Trump is catching on.