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Stephen Colbert and me: How late-night partisan comedy works – until it doesn’t

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Stephen Colbert and I go way back.

I’ve interviewed him many times.

I’ve been on his show, he’s been on my show.

Whether or not you agree with his liberal crusading – and half the country can’t stand it – his final show raised questions about political retribution, a splintered media universe and the crumbling future of late night itself. 

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Putting aside the cosmic conclusions for a moment, I first interviewed Colbert when Comedy Central was giving “The Daily Show” correspondent an eight-week tryout as host of his own show, and he didn’t know if it would last. He was congenial and about as quick-witted as any comedian I’ve seen, possibly matched by Jon Stewart.

While playing a blowhard conservative anchor on “The Colbert Report,” he once took a mild swipe at me. I had reported, factually, on Fox that some Republicans and right-wing media figures were taking shots at Hillary Clinton’s age, 69, and arguing she had a double liability as potentially the first female president.

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Colbert transformed that into MY declaring that Hillary was too old. That was flat-out wrong, but I know how these things go. 

So I made a great show of being offended and hit back with a sarcastic take: “It’s about time someone took on Stephen Colbert. This guy – a fake anchor if ever there was one – has been maligning hard-working journalists for too long. Journalists like me… Well, two can play this game, buddy.” 

(Some of my critics took the shtick a tad too seriously.)

That didn’t stop Colbert from inviting me as a guest when my book “Reality Show” was out. He was friendly and I had a good time. I guess I shouldn’t have been shocked that most of my funny lines were edited out and most of his were kept in.

He was the big star. 

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Colbert, 62, raised in South Carolina, is a practicing Catholic and former altar boy who has a form of vertigo and, during one taping, was rushed to the hospital with a ruptured appendix.  

Once leaving Comedy Central, he was signed by CBS’s “Late Show” and landed in third place.

But after hiring producer Chris Licht from “Morning Joe,” Colbert went fully partisan and fervently anti-Trump. He once called Trump “the Antichrist” (adding that he was joking). He shot up to No. 1. 

That was a double-edged sword. Why deliberately alienate half his audience? It was like drinking a magic elixir that contained a slow-acting poison pill.  

Meanwhile, Colbert’s interviews with the likes of Barack Obama and Joe Biden were, shall we say, rather gentle.

The ratings were good enough that CBS suits tried to sign Stephen to a long-term contract.

But last year, Colbert accused the network of accepting “a big fat bribe.” He was referring to CBS paying $16 million to settle a long-shot Trump lawsuit over a deceptively edited “60 Minutes” segment.

This happened to take place as Paramount was waiting for the administration’s approval for its attempted takeover of Warner Bros. Discovery – which, what a surprise, came through a week later.

That’s all it took. Paramount, owned by Trump’s pals Larry and David Ellison, announced the “Late Show” was being canceled. Without so much as consulting with the network’s biggest star or discussing ways to trim his 200-person staff.

Trump exclaimed that “I absolutely love” the move.

This was political retaliation, pure and simple. No one believes the “only for financial reasons” hogwash.

But CBS has turned the long goodbye into a national event, as Colbert has constantly slammed the network. What could the brass do when they’ve already fired him? 

Celebrity guests in the final weeks have included Tom Hanks, Oprah Winfrey, Julia Louis-Dreyfus, Jon Stewart, Steven Spielberg, Bruce Springsteen and founding host David Letterman, who helped him throw furniture off the roof to smash the CBS eye logo. (I thought that was a bit cheesy given Colbert’s goal of an amicable parting.) 

Friendly rivals Jimmy Kimmel and Jimmy Fallon agreed to air reruns last night to shift the spotlight to the curtain call in the Ed Sullivan Theater.

The “Late Show” is being replaced by comedian Byron Allen, who’s vowing to steer clear of politics on his prerecorded show and is actually paying CBS many millions for the airtime. 

And that brings us to the cold hard math. 

Colbert’s show was losing tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s not sustainable. The 11:35 p.m. shows on CBS, ABC and NBC draw a fraction of the audience compared to the days of Johnny Carson, when you actually had to stay up late to watch his needle-both-sides comedy. 

Colbert and Kimmel each drew over 2.5 million viewers and Fallon 1.3 million last quarter, which is not bad in this environment. But Jay Leno, at the peak of his career, was averaging 5 to 6 million.

Now the main impact of these nighttime shows comes from the brief clips that many watch the next morning.

Do I think late-night shows will be around in five years? Sadly, probably not. The digital age has brought round-the-clock competition for eyeballs, from social media to group chats, from podcasts to Substack. All available in seconds on your phone or watch.

That makes me nostalgic, but I also don’t listen to AM radio anymore or have a Walkman. Technology marches on. 

One thing is sure: Stephen Colbert will have no trouble making ends meet.

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Dems Lose It After 214-212 Vote — It Was All For Nothing

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Dems Lose It After 214-212 Vote — It Was All For Nothing

House Republicans delivered a major legislative victory to President Donald Trump on Tuesday, narrowly approving a sweeping border security package that locks in tens of billions of dollars for immigration enforcement and border operations through the remainder of his second term.

The legislation passed by the slimmest of margins, 214-212, following a tense and dramatic showdown on the House floor that kept lawmakers and political observers guessing until the final moments.

At one point during the vote, the chamber was deadlocked at 213-213, raising questions about whether Republican leaders could secure enough support to push the measure across the finish line. Ultimately, one final Republican vote broke the tie and sent the legislation to the president’s desk.

The bill provides approximately $70 billion in new funding aimed at strengthening border security, immigration enforcement, and homeland security operations.

The package includes:

• $38.6 billion for Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)

• $22.6 billion for Customs and Border Protection (CBP)

• Nearly $5 billion for broader Department of Homeland Security operations

• Additional funding for child exploitation investigations and related law enforcement initiatives

Supporters describe the measure as one of the most significant investments in immigration enforcement ever approved by Congress. The legislation is expected to provide the Trump administration with the resources needed to continue expanding deportation operations, increase detention capacity, hire additional personnel, modernize enforcement technology, and strengthen security infrastructure along the southern border.

Perhaps most importantly for the White House, the funding is designed to remain in place through January 2029, effectively covering the remainder of Trump’s second term.

Republicans utilized the budget reconciliation process to advance the legislation, allowing it to pass with a simple majority vote rather than the traditional 60-vote threshold required for most Senate legislation. That strategy enabled GOP lawmakers to avoid procedural obstacles that have frequently stalled major policy initiatives in recent years.

Administration officials and congressional Republicans argue that the legislation fulfills one of Trump’s central campaign promises: restoring robust immigration enforcement and securing the nation’s borders.

The bill also removes a recurring challenge that has complicated immigration policy for years—annual funding battles.

Rather than returning to Congress each budget cycle to defend agency funding levels, the administration will now have long-term financial certainty for many of its enforcement priorities.

The vote arrives after months of demonstrations and activist campaigns targeting ICE and other federal immigration agencies. Progressive organizations and immigration advocacy groups have repeatedly called for restrictions on enforcement operations and reductions in ICE funding.

Congress moved in the opposite direction.

Lawmakers did not impose new limitations on enforcement authority.

They did not reduce agency budgets.

They did not scale back deportation operations.

Instead, Congress approved billions of dollars in additional funding aimed specifically at expanding the capabilities of the agencies most closely associated with Trump’s immigration agenda.

Republicans argue that the outcome reflects the priorities of voters who demanded stronger border security and greater enforcement of existing immigration laws.

Democrats overwhelmingly opposed the measure, maintaining that Congress should focus on broader immigration reform rather than increased enforcement spending. They argued that additional funding alone will not solve long-term challenges within the immigration system.

Nevertheless, the legislation passed, marking one of the most consequential immigration policy victories of Trump’s second term.

The measure also builds upon earlier legislation approved in 2025 that significantly increased ICE resources and expanded the agency’s operational capacity nationwide.

Taken together, the two packages represent a long-term restructuring of federal immigration enforcement and signal that border security will remain a defining priority of the administration for years to come.

For supporters of President Trump, Tuesday’s vote represents more than a spending bill. It is a concrete policy achievement that transforms campaign promises into lasting federal action.

The bottom line is clear: ICE remains fully funded, Border Patrol receives a historic investment, the Department of Homeland Security gains substantial new resources, and the administration now has long-term funding certainty to pursue its immigration agenda through the end of Trump’s presidency.

For the White House and its allies, that represents one of the biggest legislative victories of the year.

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All Hell Breaks Loose In DC After Senate Vote — It’s Official Now

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All Hell Breaks Loose In DC After Senate Vote — It’s Official Now

President Donald Trump’s push to require proof of citizenship for federal elections received an unexpected boost this week after a late-night Senate vote revealed that the legislation may have more support than many political observers believed.

While Senate Republicans ultimately failed to advance the Safeguarding American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) America Act during debate over a massive $70 billion immigration enforcement package, the voting breakdown exposed a potential path forward for one of Trump’s top election-integrity priorities.

The SAVE America Act would require individuals registering to vote in federal elections to provide documentary proof of U.S. citizenship. Supporters argue the measure is a commonsense safeguard designed to ensure that only American citizens participate in federal elections, while opponents contend existing laws already prohibit non-citizens from voting.

The issue surfaced during the Senate’s marathon vote-a-rama, where Republicans attempted twice to attach the legislation to a broader immigration enforcement package.

South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham offered one version of the amendment that combined the SAVE Act with several additional policy priorities, including a ban on biological males competing in women’s sports—another issue strongly backed by President Trump.

That proposal failed after four Republican senators broke ranks.

Senators Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, and Thom Tillis of North Carolina all voted against Graham’s amendment, preventing Republicans from reaching the threshold needed to pursue additional procedural options.

However, a second effort led by Senator Mike Lee of Utah produced a much different result.

Lee offered a stand-alone version of the SAVE America Act, and this time Collins switched her vote and supported the proposal. The amendment ultimately secured the backing of 50 senators, a significant milestone given the intense partisan divide surrounding election legislation.

The vote immediately energized supporters of the bill.

As the proceedings continued, Lee highlighted what he viewed as the significance of the outcome.

“That means that but for the Zombie Filibuster, the House-passed SAVE America Act would now be on its way to the White House for President Trump’s signature,” Lee said.

Lee and other conservative lawmakers argue that Senate procedures—not a lack of support—are now the primary obstacle standing in the way of the legislation.

Specifically, Republicans continue to face the Senate’s 60-vote filibuster threshold, which allows the minority party to block most legislation unless supporters can secure a supermajority.

Some conservatives have urged Senate Majority Leader John Thune to employ a more aggressive strategy, including forcing Democrats into a prolonged talking filibuster that could eventually allow Republicans to move the legislation with a simple majority vote.

So far, Thune has resisted those calls.

The Senate leader has argued that Republicans may not be able to maintain complete unity throughout such a process, particularly if Democrats begin offering politically difficult amendments designed to divide the GOP conference.

Still, Trump’s allies have become increasingly frustrated with what they view as unnecessary caution from Senate leadership.

Supporters of the SAVE Act note that the political landscape is changing rapidly. Two Republican senators who opposed various Trump-backed priorities—Mitch McConnell and Thom Tillis—are retiring, while Senator Bill Cassidy of Louisiana recently lost his primary after years of criticism from grassroots conservatives over his vote to convict Trump during his second impeachment trial.

Those developments have fueled optimism among Trump supporters that the Republican conference may become more aligned with the president’s agenda in the near future.

Another source of frustration has been Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough.

MacDonough previously ruled that the SAVE America Act could not be included in the immigration package under budget reconciliation rules, which allow certain legislation to pass with a simple majority vote.

President Trump has sharply criticized that decision and has called on Senate leadership to replace the parliamentarian.

“We have every right to change her, and should do so, IMMEDIATELY,” Trump said on Truth Social. “As long as she’s there, we will never get our desperately needed, SAVE AMERICA ACT, approved, and put into full force and effect!”

For now, the legislation remains stalled. But after months of declining momentum, this week’s Senate vote demonstrated that support for the SAVE Act remains substantial. More importantly for supporters, it revealed that a majority of senators may already favor the measure—even if Senate procedures continue preventing it from becoming law.

With election integrity expected to remain a major issue heading into the midterms, the battle over the SAVE Act appears far from over.

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Alarming Date Given For When Social Security Will Run Out

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Alarming Date Given For When Social Security Will Run Out

A new government report is sounding the alarm over the future of Social Security, warning that the program’s primary retirement trust fund is now projected to run out of reserves sooner than previously expected.

According to the newly released 2026 Social Security Trustees Report, the Old-Age and Survivors Insurance (OASI) Trust Fund—the account responsible for paying retirement and survivor benefits to tens of millions of Americans—is projected to become insolvent during the fourth quarter of 2032.

While Social Security would not disappear if that happens, the consequences could be significant for retirees who rely on the program as a primary source of income.

Once the trust fund’s reserves are exhausted, Social Security would only be able to pay benefits using incoming payroll tax revenue. The report estimates that would be enough to cover approximately 78 percent of scheduled benefits, resulting in an automatic reduction of roughly 22 percent unless Congress intervenes before then.

The report also found that the combined Social Security trust funds—which include both retirement and disability programs—are projected to be depleted by the third quarter of 2034.

At that point, the combined system would only be able to pay approximately 83 percent of promised benefits.

The latest projection represents a deterioration from last year’s estimate. In the 2025 trustees report, the retirement trust fund was expected to remain solvent until 2033. The new forecast moves the depletion date forward by roughly one year.

Trustees pointed to several factors contributing to the updated projections, including changes resulting from legislation enacted last year.

“One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA): Enacted on July 4, 2025, this law makes permanent the lower income tax rates and adjusted tax brackets originally enacted under the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act and both increases and makes permanent the larger standard deduction of the 2017 Act,” the report states.

The report further explains the impact those tax changes may have on Social Security financing.

“The OBBBA also adds a temporary additional standard deduction for taxpayers over age 65. As a result, less income tax will be paid on Social Security benefits, and the OASI and DI Trust Funds will receive lower levels of revenue in the future from income taxation of Social Security benefits.”

The findings underscore a challenge that policymakers have been aware of for years. As Baby Boomers continue retiring, fewer workers are supporting a growing number of beneficiaries. At the same time, declining birth rates and longer life expectancies have placed increasing pressure on the system.

Social Security remains one of the federal government’s largest programs and serves as a financial lifeline for millions of retirees, disabled Americans, widows, widowers, and surviving family members.

Importantly, trustees emphasized that insolvency does not mean the program would cease operating.

Workers would continue paying payroll taxes, and beneficiaries would continue receiving monthly checks. The concern is that those revenues alone would not be sufficient to fund all promised benefits once reserves are depleted.

That reality leaves Congress facing increasingly difficult choices.

Lawmakers could choose from several options, including raising payroll taxes, increasing the retirement age, adjusting future benefit formulas, lifting the cap on wages subject to Social Security taxes, reducing future benefits for higher earners, or adopting a combination of reforms.

Historically, however, Social Security has been one of Washington’s most politically sensitive issues, making major reforms difficult to enact.

One bright spot in the report involves Social Security’s Disability Insurance Trust Fund. Trustees found that the disability program remains financially stable and is projected to pay full scheduled benefits throughout the entire 75-year forecast period.

Nevertheless, the retirement side of the system is facing mounting challenges.

For current retirees and Americans approaching retirement age, the report serves as a reminder that the timeline for reform is shrinking. Unless Congress acts before late 2032, Social Security’s primary retirement trust fund will no longer be able to fully fund promised retirement and survivor benefits.

The debate over how to preserve Social Security has been delayed for years. According to the latest trustees report, lawmakers now have less time than previously thought to find a solution.

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